This was the opening day of trial. The first part was telecast live on TV.

The Chief Prosecutor started by saying:

“May it please your lordships. My lord, today, in this historic moment, at this episode of the International Crimes Tribunal, the first formal adjudication part shall begin today. In this part, we have got the Attorney General among ourselves – the chief law officer of the state. First, we request that the learned Attorney General share some words with us. Your Lordships, I request you to allow him to speak.”

Attorney General’s Statement

“May it please your Lordships, today I have the opportunity to speak before you at a historic juncture, at a time when we have come before you for justice. The concept of justice is not merely that the state alone will receive justice; it visibly means that we expect you will complete a judicial process that is for Bangladesh, for the people of Bangladesh, and for the future of Bangladesh. Having arrived at the threshold of such a trial, we stand before you to speak.

When we turn the pages of history, we see that dictators and fascists have been born in countries all over the world. We have heard the names of Adolf Hitler, Mussolini, Francisco Franco, Pinochet, and Marx, and many such fascists and Hitler-like dictators have faced trial. The democratic state system, with the mandate of the people, sat on the British throne, sat on the seat of the ruler; you have heard the name Oliver Cromwell. In 1649, Cromwell earned the trust of the people by executing the tyrannical King Charles I, and that same Cromwell was later executed for genocide, for indiscriminately killing Catholics in Britain, in such a way that in 1661, after his natural death, his decomposed body was exhumed, hung on the gallows, and publicly displayed to show what the punishment for genocide should be. Later, his skull was mounted and displayed in Westminster for 20 years before being buried 300 years later at the gate of Cambridge’s Sussex University.

For the British government, among all the standards of justice that formed the foundation of its civilization, one of the foremost was against genocide, and Cromwell’s trial was meant to ensure that future Britain would not kill its people in such a manner. That day, two of Cromwell’s colleagues, Henry Ireton and John Gatson, were also sentenced to hang. Our nation has advanced significantly, as has world civilization, and questions have arisen against the death penalty. In our law, we have stated that heinous crimes have occurred, and perhaps in the past we might have hung corpses like Cromwell’s in such a cruel manner, but we are not that inhumane.

At the same time, witnessing the massacres of the July Revolution, we have come to seek justice for those killings, and from the prosecution’s side, we demand the maximum penalty within the legal framework. If you find, based on our evidence, that justice will be established for the sake of the next generation and for the Bangladesh built through such sacrifice, we will demand that justice from this Tribunal. Over the last 17 years, a culture of murder, enforced disappearance, and political persecution has been established in Bangladesh, and today there is talk everywhere of who was a bigger killer—the ruler from 1972 to 1975 or the ruler from 2009 to 2024, and whether the patterns of killing were the same or more refined.

We believe such debates are unhealthy; instead, for the people of Bangladesh and for democracy, we must end the politics of murder. In the last 24 years, the politics conducted in the name of the spirit of the Liberation War have promoted murder, enforced disappearance to cling to power, casting votes at night, deceit, looting, and laundering millions abroad to build houses in ‘Begum Para’. The July Revolution began as a peaceful movement to build an egalitarian society, to end discrimination, and to establish justice, human rights, and democracy, but to stifle these demands, a brutal massacre was carried out, leaving about 300 disabled and killing around 2,000. In world history, dictators have fled, but in Bangladesh, we saw a dictator flee along with his 300 Members of Parliament, cabinet, and party leaders.

Such a dictator could be the president of an association of tyrants; if Hitler’s Goebbels were alive today, he might have sought a PhD in lying from this dictator, Sheikh Hasina Wazed, who stands before you today as nothing but an accused. We have no personal animosity; we have come for the trial of crimes, and incidentally, those involved are individuals. Perhaps in the future, a political party associated with the crime may also come, but for now, we want justice—the justice dreamed of by the people of Bangladesh. If we fail, we will remain an analogy, as per Poet Helal Hafiz, ‘uttor purusher bhiru kapurusher upoma hoye thakbo’ for future generations, and this generation does not want that. We have come before you, taking an oath on the blood of Abu Sayeed, Mugdho, to say that the torch he handed to us will remain burning even with our last drop of blood. We will pave the way for justice, and in that justice we will seek the maximum penalty—not with the ruthless extremity of Cromwell’s case, but solely through the legal process.”

Opening Statement by the Prosecution

On X, Tajul Islam, the Chief Prosecutor gave an opening statement for the prosecution. Below is an unofficial translation. Here is the original Bangla version

Honourable Tribunal. Standing before this momentous tribunal as the Chief Prosecutor and the state’s principal legal counsel, the grave responsibility has been vested in me to speak on behalf of the people of Bangladesh. In this duty, I am guided not only by the letter of the law but also by the mandate of morality—where my duty is to present the account of the crimes committed against the victims and to protect the great ideals for which the July Revolution took place. In fulfilling this duty, I have been assisted by a team of dedicated prosecutors and investigators, and our strength has been fortified by the victims and their families.

Today, we will present before this great court evidence that will prove these events were not the result of chaotic disorder but were planned and systematically executed—actions that have shattered our dreams, taken countless lives, and created a wound whose scars will be visible for generations to come. During the trial, we will prove that the accused, through their actions, have committed such heinous crimes that they have shocked the conscience of the world. Our grave responsibility is to ensure accountability for these crimes and to craft a just and secure future for the generations to come. 

This tribunal, and this trial process in particular, is not merely confined to resolving a legal dispute; it embodies a nation’s aspiration for justice, the hope of restoring trampled rights, and the duty to show the entire world that Bangladesh is resolute in establishing the rule of law.

Today, we stand at the beginning of a trial that is immensely serious and historically significant. It is a case that will resonate in the conscience of our nation and the heart of global humanity for generations. This trial against three accused is not just a reckoning with the past, but a resolute step towards upholding justice, the rule of law, and our collective commitment to protecting fundamental human rights.

Today, this court sits to try the most heinous crimes committed during the regime of the former autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina. No individual—no matter how high their position or how long their tenure—is above the law. Today, we implore this tribunal to ensure that the guilty are held accountable, to restore the people’s faith in the justice system, and to send a message to the entire world that there will be no impunity for the perpetrator, no matter how powerful.

The former Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, Lord Bingham, once stated with great clarity:

“The rule of law is not merely a lawyer’s convenience. It is the foundation of a civilised society. It means, in short, that everything must be done according to law. Nothing can be done except according to law”

Trial in the absence of the accused does not necessarily mean justice is denied:

The trial of two accused in absentia in the proceedings of this tribunal cannot and will not be a barrier to ensuring accountability for the crimes. This tribunal holds the full authority to deliver a verdict in accordance with the law. The two accused have repeatedly remained absent, failing to surrender to the jurisdiction of the court. It must be stated clearly: the willful absconding    of the accused or the inaction of any foreign state cannot obstruct this tribunal’s pursuit of truth and its solemn duty to ensure justice. The arm of justice is long—absence or indifference cannot stop it.

The Indispensability of Ensuring Justice:
The fundamental identity of a just society is one where justice prevails, where there is a system for punishing the wicked and protecting the virtuous. We are firmly committed to ensuring that the rights of the accused are fully protected and that every stage of this process is open to the public. Through this, we will prove that Bangladesh’s aspiration for justice is a living commitment—one that will endure for generations. Let this tribunal be a testament to our collective resolve.

Historical Significance of the Trial:
This case is unprecedented in the legal and moral history of our nation. The crimes alleged here did not occur in the chaos of a distant past war or on the lawless fringes of society. Rather, they took place at the very heart of our cities, in public squares and on our streets—where the youth of the nation had gathered with hopes and conscience, demanding what was just and right. Their peaceful call for change was met not with dialogue, fairness, or reform, but with brutality and repression.

The Historical Context of Awami League Rule:
To fully understand the significance of this trial process, the events of July and August 2024 must be viewed within the broader context of Bangladesh’s recent political history. For a long time, as a dominant force in national politics, the Awami League, by creating a false narrative of democratic revival and development, gradually transformed its rule over several consecutive terms into a one-party autocracy, violating fundamental human rights and committing crimes against humanity through brutal methods of repression.

From the beginning of the 2010s, after the party came to power, it gradually concentrated all power in the hands of the Prime Minister through arbitrary constitutional and legal changes. Key state institutions, including the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and the media, were brought under the firm control of the government through direct orders, regulations, and laws that curtailed freedom of expression. Critics in parliament and within the general populace became victims of threats, legal harassment, or exclusion from the political process. Civil society and journalists who dared to question the official government narrative faced the threat of surveillance, censorship, and arbitrary arrest.

Gradually, opposition parties were pushed away from competitive elections. Due to repressive laws and the conduct of the state apparatus in suppressing political activities, opposition political parties became cornered. Instead of the promise of participatory democracy, a culture of sycophancy and partisanship emerged, and democratic dissent was crushed through the disproportionate use of force. In this way, an environment once characterized by pluralism and open discussion slowly became narrow and stifled.

By 2024, this situation gave rise to intense frustration, especially among the youth and student communities of the country—who have historically been the torchbearers of Bangladesh’s democratic consciousness. Their movement, demanding greater transparency, academic freedom, and the right to peaceful protest, gradually gained momentum and ultimately, in the tumultuous months of July and August, transformed into an unforgettable revolution that forced the autocratic ruler to flee the country. Through this epic revolution, the opportunity has been created to once again build a just, prosperous, and dream-filled nation in Bangladesh.

The Allegations Brought Against the Accused:
In this case, there are three accused:

–  Sheikh Hasina (77), former Prime Minister, daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Begum Fazilatunnesa, and wife of the late Dr. M. A. Wazed Miah.

– Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal (75), former Home Minister, son of Ashraf Ali Khan and Akramun Nesa.

– And Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun (61), BP No. 6489020946, former Inspector General of Police (IGP), son of the late Abdul Mannan Chowdhury and Mosammat Firoza Nessa Chowdhury

The central strength of the prosecution’s case is the irrefutable power of direct evidence: the former Prime Minister’s own recorded statements, recorded audio, and various clear directives she issued during those calamitous days. This is not circumstantial evidence; rather, it is undeniable and direct evidence that opens a rare and secret window into the intent and planning at the highest levels of government. The prosecution believes that these documents and audio evidence—direct statements, instructions, and communications from the former Prime Minister’s office—will provide a strong foundation for the case and will irrefutably prove the accused’s command responsibility. The language of Sheikh Hasina’s directives was as follows:

Hasina: No need for that, no need. I’ve spoken with the army chief — they’ll be on alert, alright. Now we’re taking other steps: we’re taking aerial photos with drones and using helicopters for the thing, over a few locations.

Taposh: Can’t we use those images and make arrests overnight?

Hasina: I’ve ordered to arrest the whole lot of them.

Taposh: Yes — if they’re arrested…

Hasina: No, that has already been communicated. Regarding that, RAB, DGFI, and NIA — everyone has been told to capture (detain) as many as you can from wherever you can.

Taposh: Yes.

Hasina: That’s already been communicated. And wherever they see gatherings, from now on, I’m having them do the thing from above — it has started already in a few places.

Taposh: Yes

Hasina: — It’s done.

Taposh: Yes, yes — it seems they’re moving toward the Mohammadpur police station area. The Home Minister told me.

Hasina: Toward Mohammadpur police station

Taposh: Yes.

Hasina: Then [the home minister should] send the RAB there.

Taposh: Yes — need your authorization; he hasn’t yet, I mean…

Hasina: I’ve already given the instruction. This is an open directive now. They’re to use lethal weapons. Wherever they’re found, shoot on sight.

Based on the preliminary review of investigation reports and oral and written evidence, it has been established that from July 1, 2024, to August 5, 2024, across the country, starting from the Prime Minister’s official residence, the accused—(1) Sheikh Hasina, (2) Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, and (3) Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun—committed crimes against humanity under sections 3(2)(a), (c), (h), and 4(1), 4(2), and 4(3) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973, which are punishable under sections 20(2) and 20A of the said Act.

The Prosecution’s Case – Events of July–August 2024:

The prosecution will prove before this tribunal that in July and August of 2024, the ruling Awami League government, with the aim of suppressing and persecuting peaceful student-people’s movements and political dissidents, targeted innocent and unarmed student-protestors participating in the anti-discrimination student movement, leaders and workers of opposition political parties—especially individuals associated with the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and other parties—and the general public who participated in this movement, carrying out various forms of attacks, persecution, repressive policies, mass arrests, legal harassment, threats, and violence. Doctors, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, academics, online critics, and ordinary citizens who supported the movement also became victims of this repression, arrest, and harassment.

A coordinated institutional repressive policy was deployed with the cooperation of state security and intelligence agencies. The Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the National Security Intelligence (NSI), the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC), the Special Branch (SB), and police detectives conducted regular surveillance using modern technology.

As a strategy to suppress dissent and protest, they established a special surveillance agency called the “National Telecommunication Monitoring Centre (NTMC).” Initially, the intelligence units of RAB and DGFI managed this program, at which time it was named the ‘National Monitoring Centre.’ Although this institution claimed to conduct lawful surveillance for crime detection, it was secretly used to surveil opposition political leaders, dissidents, and individuals who exposed the government’s unlawful activities.

Especially during the July-August mass uprising, protestors were identified using drones, phone tapping, and location tracking technology, and repressive measures were taken. Simultaneously, the Awami League and its affiliated organizations—Chhatra League and Jubo League—deployed armed cadres      at the local level to identify the protestors. Based on this intelligence, law enforcement agencies—especially the police and RAB—carried out crackdowns     , arrests, and violent attacks. All these programs were executed under the direct orders of the then-autocratic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and through the oversight of the then-Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, the then-IGP Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, and other political leaders, administrative officials, their subordinate officers, and security forces.

The then-Awami League government used the full force of the state to launch an unprecedented repressive operation against the peaceful movement. Members of the police, RAB, APBn, Ansar, VDP, and, to a limited extent, the armed forces were deployed to suppress dissent. In addition, the DGFI, NSI, SB, CTTC, Detective Branch (DB), and SWAT units were mobilized to orchestrate widespread violence against students and the general public. Armed thugs from the Awami League’s affiliated organizations—especially the Chhatra League and Jubo League—actively participated in this repressive campaign, which further intensified the violence and state terror.

From July 1, 2024, to August 15, 2024, an estimated more than 1,400 people were killed at the hands of state security forces and the ruling party’s armed thugs. Among the deceased, approximately 12 to 13 percent were children. Security forces indiscriminately used both lethal and less-lethal weapons—military-grade rifles, shotguns, bullets, rubber bullets, and tear gas. In some areas, there were reports of firing from helicopters and the direct killing of unarmed protestors. Thousands of protestors, pedestrians, and journalists were arrested without warrants, among whom were children, women, and healthcare workers. Between July 17 and July 29 alone, reports of over 10,000 arrests were received.

Allegations of torture and sexual violence against those arrested in mass detentions were widespread. Intelligence agencies, including the DGFI and DB, were reportedly involved in the enforced disappearance of student leaders. Injured protestors were forcibly detained from hospitals, doctors were threatened, and medical activities were disrupted by confiscating CCTV footage. Female protestors faced threats of rape, physical assault, and social humiliation.

Instead of launching a proper investigation into these events, the government granted impunity to the security forces. According to observations by human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, this coordinated repressive campaign, conducted by the Awami League government, law enforcement agencies, and their affiliated organizations, is a clear violation of international human rights law and amounts to crimes against humanity.

The prosecution wishes to clarify at the outset that this case does not encompass all the crimes of the previous government’s entire tenure. Instead, the focus has been narrowed to the heinous events that transpired in the summer—when a wave of state repression claimed the lives of over 1,400 peaceful student protestors. The objective and scope of this trial are clear: we seek justice for the victims of the July–August 2024 mass uprising, whose lives and dreams were brutally destroyed by this violence. The prosecution will focus its case on 11 symbolic incidents, which have been meticulously selected to prove each element of crimes against humanity as recognized under international law. Through these incidents, the prosecution will demonstrate that the attacks on the civilian population were widespread, systematic, and deliberately planned. Each incident will serve as a lens through which the tribunal can see how crimes such as murder, persecution, torture, arbitrary detention, and sexual violence were systematically and extensively committed using the entire state apparatus.

Through the detailed analysis of these 11 incidents, the prosecution will prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the widespread or systematic attack, carried out as part of a state policy targeting the civilian population, fulfills all the conditions for crimes against humanity. We will show that the repressive measures were deliberately planned and extensively organized, and there is and will be no room for doubt regarding the guilt of the accused.

Brutality Against Peaceful Student Protestors:

It must be stated clearly: the prosecution’s case is not about some abstract legal principle, but about the living reality that befell the lives of young men and women. The students of this country were inspired by dreams, hopes, ideals, and an unwavering belief in the future. They were exercising their fundamental rights—the freedom of assembly and expression—and they became the target of state forces, which were acting under the direct orders of Sheikh Hasina.

The Nature of the Direct Evidence Against the Accused:
The evidence collected against the accused is not just credible—it is irrefutable and self-explanatory. The evidence that will be presented before this tribunal is not a collection of disjointed pieces of ambiguous information, but an unbroken and solid chain of evidence, where each part strengthens the next. The totality of this evidence—eyewitness testimony, digital records, government communications, and forensic reports—is so clear and powerful that there can be no room for any doubt. This unequivocal and irrefutable evidence will prove beyond a shadow of a doubt the crimes of Sheikh Hasina and the culpability of her co-accused.

Principal Evidence:

Eyewitness Testimony: Many students, teachers, and eyewitnesses will testify about how excessive force was used in a coordinated operation against peaceful assemblies. Their descriptions will clearly show that repressive measures were carried out using live ammunition, tear gas, and physical torture, and that the orders for these actions came from high levels.

Government Communications: Directives sent from the Prime Minister’s office and cabinet meetings, which have been verified through digital forensics, will be presented. These documents will prove that the orders to suppress the public, disperse assemblies, and the directives to kill protestors using lethal weapons, helicopters, and drones were given directly by and with the approval of Sheikh Hasina.

Digital Evidence: Videos and photos captured by cameras, mobile phones, and CCTVs will prove how law enforcement agencies used deadly force against unarmed and peaceful protestors. Metadata and timestamps will establish the timeline of events, showing which force committed the crimes, when, where, and how.

Medical and Forensic Reports: Post-mortem and hospital reports provide evidence of the heinous violence perpetrated against the students. The nature of the injuries and wounds directly links them to the actions of these state forces.

Furthermore, the evidence collected includes—confiscated documents, newspapers, video footage, audio clips, expert opinions, testimonies from the families of the deceased, injured individuals, and eyewitnesses, and important materials such as—

 

• • Sheikh Hasina’s provocative speech on July 14, 2024,

• • The phone conversation between Sheikh Hasina and Tapos,

• • The phone conversation between Sheikh Hasina and the then-Vice-Chancellor of Dhaka University,

• • The signal of the wireless message from the then-DMP Commissioner,

• • The activity logs of the accused Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal and Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun in implementing Sheikh Hasina’s orders.

It has been established through investigation that the then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the then-Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, and the then-IGP Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, from July 1, 2024, to August 5, 2024 (during the July movement), willingly and with full knowledge, conducted a widespread and systematic attack across the country against peaceful, innocent, and unarmed students. This included the use of lethal weapons, helicopters, drones, and other deadly arms, incitement, conspiracy, and planned suppression of the student movement, the killing of more than 1400 people, attempted murder, severely injuring and maiming thousands of students, illegal detention, torture and false cases, abduction, hiding the bodies of the dead and injured, obstructing medical services, preventing funerals and burials, pressuring doctors to falsify the cause of death, forcing burials as unidentified bodies, extracting forced confessions, repeated attacks on the injured in hospitals, and sexual violence against female protestors.

Culpability of the Accused:
At the relevant time, the accused Sheikh Hasina was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, the head of the executive branch, the president of the Awami League, and the leader of the 14-party alliance. Therefore, she was at the center of all power and authority. As an autocratic ruler, she single-handedly made all important decisions. Her subordinate officials were always eager to implement her orders     , both politically and administratively.

The sole purpose of the crimes against humanity committed during the July movement was to keep Sheikh Hasina in power. She was the central figure or nucleus of all these crimes. The other accused, serving under her, understood that their security and rewards depended on Sheikh Hasina remaining in power.

The accused Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, as the Home Minister, was a senior leader and policymaker of the Awami League and a member of the so-called “Gang of Four.” All decisions regarding the suppression of the movement were made in the “Core Committee” meetings held at his Dhanmondi residence. He had full control over the country’s law enforcement agencies.

The accused Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, as the then-IGP and a close associate of the Home Minister, was the direct commander of the law enforcement agencies. He and Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal were personally present to oversee whether the orders to indiscriminately fire on unarmed students and the general public were being implemented. On July 27, 2024, in front of the Jatrabari police station, the then-Deputy Commissioner (Wari Zone) of the DMP, Iqbal, showed the video of the law enforcement’s gunfire to Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal and Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, which was later also shown to the Home Secretary Jahangir Alam.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, and IGP Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun—all three, from their positions of highest authority, through a Joint Criminal Enterprise and Command Responsibility, directed their subordinate forces and the armed thugs of their party to carry out deadly attacks across the country. As a result, more than 1400 innocent and unarmed student protestors were killed.

Based on the evidence collected, the actions of these three individuals clearly establish that they are liable under sections 4(2) and 4(3) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973, as they bear the highest command responsibility for the crimes committed under section 3(2).

1. The test of justice and accountability:
The core theme of this case is the fundamental principle of the rule of law—that no one is above the law, regardless of their status or former position. Sheikh Hasina once held immense power, but today she stands before the court. This sends a strong message that accountability is not optional and impunity will not be tolerated in any way.

2. Historical significance and precedent:
This case is unprecedented in the legal and moral history of our nation. Unlike crimes committed during times of war or chaos, these allegations focus on the heinous abuse of power that occurred at the democratic heart of the country, where citizens—especially students—had peacefully taken to the streets in the hope of a better future.

3. Protection of fundamental rights:
At the heart of the prosecution’s allegations are the heinous crimes committed against students who were participating in peaceful protests—students who symbolized the nation’s conscience and aspirations. This case highlights the fundamental importance of the rights to assembly, expression, and peaceful protest. When state officials, especially from the highest levels, violate these rights, it signifies a grave breach of democracy and the rule of law.

4. Restoring faith in the justice system:
This trial is not just about settling scores with the past; it is a process of restoring the public’s faith in the justice system. By bringing even the most powerful individuals under the purview of accountability, the tribunal can prove that justice is impartial, firm, and inevitable.

5. The assurance of a fair trial:
Even though Sheikh Hasina is accused, this trial process will ensure a fair trial for her and her two co-accused, and the trial will be conducted in accordance with national and international standards. This will further strengthen the commitment to the principles of justice.

6. A lesson for future generations:
Finally, this case will stand as a witness to an unwavering struggle for human rights, democracy, and justice for generations to come. It will be a benchmark for the nation’s moral and legal progress, and a beacon for those countries that face challenges in ensuring accountability and justice.

This case is important not only for the resolution of the specific allegations but also for the reaffirmation of the values of justice, democracy, and human dignity, which are at the core of national and international law.

At the Nuremberg Trials, Justice Robert H. Jackson warned by saying this:

“The ultimate step in avoiding periodic wars, which are inevitable in a system of international lawlessness, is to make statesmen responsible to law…. The wrongs which we seek to condemn and punish have been so calculated, so malignant and so devastating, that civilization cannot tolerate their being ignored because it cannot survive their being repeated.”

Now I will present two short video clips before this tribunal.

The first Video: Can be seen here

Second video: This was video of the first witness, Khokon Chandra Bormon who was shot on 5^th August showing his whole face with terrible wounds and him calling out “Allah” “Allah save us” repeatedly

The live Telecast was finished.

May justice and the rule of law live forever.