Evidence of Nahid Islam

Witness: I am Nahid Islam. I am a student of 16-17 session at the University of Dhaka. Currently, I am the convener of the NCP.

Prosecution: Do you have any other identity?

Witness: I was the number one coordinator of the anti-discrimination students movement of 2024.

Prosecution: When did you get connected with the quota movement?”

Witness: In 2018, I first got involved with the quota reform movement. A large student movement was formed for that reform movement. To suppress that movement, police and Chhatra League (student League) attacked the protesters in the Shahbag area on April 8, 2018.

Prosecution: How did they attack at that time?

Witness: In the university area, police fired rubber bullets and tear shells. The Chhatra League attacked the students in the halls at night. In the context of this attack, the movement intensified. At one stage of the movement, the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to announce the abolition of the quota system in parliament. Although we wanted quota reform, the government completely abolished the quota system. Still, we considered it a temporary settlement. After this announcement, about one to one and a half months later, those who were in the leadership of the movement were arrested and attacked by the Chhatra League. Later, the movement started again. Subsequently, the government published a gazette abolishing the quota system.

Then, from the government’s behavior, we understood that the government, faced with the movement, announced its abolition, but they did not want it from the heart, they did not actually want it.

Tribunal: Where did Sheikh Hasina say this?

Witness: Sheikh Hasina mentioned in a press briefing that she spoke of abolishing the quota out of anger. 

In 2019, the DUCSU (Dhaka University Central Student Union) election was held. I participated in it. I contested for the post of central cultural secretary from the quota reform movement panel. We had already feared that the quota system would return.

That election, the 2019 DUCSU election, was not fair. We were not allowed to win due to irregularities. And in the maximum positions, Chhatra League was made to win. Later, we were vocal in protesting against the Chhatra League’s “gono room,” “guest room” torture culture, and other irregularities and oppression at the university. In 2023, we formed a new non-partisan student organization, “Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti” (Democratic Student Forum, DSF). So, the work of this organization was to speak out against various irregularities at the university and for the students.

In response to a writ filed, the High Court Division on June 5, 2024, annulled the government’s notification abolishing the quota system and reinstated the quota system.

Tribunal: Who filed the writ? An individual or an institution?

Witness: An individual. On that day, we held a protest rally against this verdict of the court. Subsequently, other universities also protested against this verdict. We paused the movement until the 30th of July. We gave an ultimatum to the government. We submitted a memorandum to the Attorney General’s office. We gave the government time to solve this problem. Then we did not get the expected result. We did not find any solution within the 30th. As the government did not respond by the 30th of June, from July 1st, under the banner of the anti-discrimination student movement, we started a simultaneous movement in all universities demanding the reinstatement of the gazette issued in 2018 and a logical reform of the quota system. We had a continuous program on the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of July.

First, we heard that the court would have a hearing and give an order on July 4th. Later, we heard that there would be no hearing in the court on that day. As a result, our movement continued. We were told by the government that since this matter is sub judice in the court, the government has nothing to do. If there are any statements, they should be given in court. We knew that the judiciary has been politicized and that the government, by using the judiciary, has reinstated the quota system in a planned manner. Lacking faith in the government and the court, instead of going to court, we remained on the streets. 

To intensify the movement, on July 7th, we announced a program called “Bangla Blockade” across the whole of Bangladesh. Students from all over the country expressed solidarity and participated in our Bangla Blockade program. Then on July 10th, from the Appellate Division, instead of staying the High Court’s order, a status quo order was issued for one month. We were disappointed by this and became certain that no solution would be found from the judiciary on this matter. We changed our demand slightly and demanded the reform of the quota system at all levels of government jobs.

At this stage of the movement, we faced various obstacles. When we used to announce a program, the Chhatra League members would close the hall gates of the university so that students could not go to the movement. The police tried to set up barricades at Shahbagh police station. A case was filed against us by unknown persons at Shahbagh police station. This type of obstruction was being created all over the country. Despite all the obstacles, the movement continued. By uniting the protesting students from all over the country, a coordinating committee was announced.

On July 14, 2024, a memorandum was submitted to the President on behalf of the anti-discrimination student movement. On the night of July 14, Sheikh Hasina in a press conference, referred to the protesters as “children and grandchildren of Razakars” and took a stand in favor of the quota system. In fact, through this statement, a justification was made for an attack on the protesters. Because we have seen at various times that when a just movement is launched against the government, the government tagged them (protesters of the movements) as Razakars to destroy the legitimacy of that movement. Therefore, this statement was disrespectful and a threat to us. Students across the country felt disrespected by this statement. That same night, students from Dhaka University and other institutions took to the streets in protest against this statement. The students said that this movement cannot be suppressed by calling them Razakars. Sheikh Hasina must apologize to the students after withdrawing this statement.

On July 15th, we called for a program. On the same day, Chhatra League also called for a program. Obaidul Qader, the general secretary of Awami League and the then Minister of Road Transport and Bridges, announced that day that Chhatra League is enough to suppress the students’ movement. There was clear incitement in his announcement. Inspired by this announcement, Chhatra League attacked the protesting students. The first and main target of the attack was the female students. A massive attack was carried out on them because they were at the forefront of the movement.

Among the attackers were the central president of Chhatra League, Saddam Hussein, General Secretary Inan, Dhaka University Chatra League president Shoyon, General Secretary Soikat. They led this attack. They had also gathered terrorists from outside. A large number of students were injured in this attack. Injured, they were admitted to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. The students undergoing treatment at the hospital were tortured and medical treatment was obstructed. On July 16th, in protest of this attack, we called for a protest program across the country. Participating in this protest, Abu Sayed, a student and coordinator of Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur, was shot and killed by the police. And a total of six people, including Wasim of Chittagong, were martyred in different parts of the country. On July 17th, we, at Dhaka University and across the country, announced a program of absentee funeral prayers and a coffin procession in protest of these killings. In that context, the UGC (University Grants Commission), announced the closure of all universities in the country. That day, a protester was killed in Jatrabari.

On July 17th we went to Dhaka University to offer the funeral prayers. That day, BGB, police, and RAB cordoned off the entire university. After the absentee funeral prayer, when the coffin procession started, the police threw sound grenades and fired rubber bullets at the procession. The university administration and the police ordered us to leave the halls. That day, DGFI pressured us to withdraw the program. The electricity, water, and food in the halls were cut off. We refused to engage in a dialogue with the government and called for the reopening of the universities. On the night of July 17th, we announced that a complete shutdown program would be observed across the country. Since our brothers and sisters were being killed, we called on all students and people from all walks of life across the country to participate in the program. On July 18th, in response to this announcement, the student community took to the streets. Specially, the students of private universities and madrasas put up strong resistance on the streets that day. Those of us who were in the leadership went into hiding to evade arrest. Our lives were in danger. That day, many students and people were injured and killed.

Prosecution: Did you see anything else in the media?

Witness: That night, the internet was shut down all over the country. On July 19th, police and Awami League terrorists indiscriminately opened fire and tortured the protesting student community. As a result, many students were injured and killed. On July 19th, we realized that the government had taken complete control of the electronic media. No news of our movement or the injured and dead was being published in the media.

Continued on 18 Sept

Prosecution Witness: Unable to get any news through the media, I came to know about the brutal killings that took place across the country on July 18th and 19th by contacting other coordinators of the movement on mobile phone. On the afternoon of the 19th, I spoke with coordinator Qader. On our advice, a nine-point program was announced. That afternoon, I took shelter at my friend’s house in Nandipara. Later, I spoke with coordinator Hasnat and Sarjis, but by then, they were in the custody of the DGFI, which I did not know. I consulted with many people and I announced that our complete shutdown would continue on July 20th.

Tribunal (Chairman) : Who are ‘many people’?

Prosecution Witness: Other coordinators and student leaders. I sent this announcement to all the media, but no electronic media broadcast it. At night, I learned through TV that the government had declared curfew. There was an order to shoot on sight during the curfew. I was staying at my friend’s house in Nandipara at night. At around 2:30 AM, some individuals identifying as DB (Detective Branch) police entered the house, handcuffed me, blindfolded me with a black cloth, and took me away in a private car. As soon as they put me in the private car, they started beating me. Afterwards, I was taken to a room, where I was interrogated every now and then. During the interrogation, my hands were handcuffed and my eyes were kept blindfolded with a black cloth. They kept asking why we were carrying out this movement, who were involved, and why we were not stopping the movement. At one point, they started physical torture. As a result, I lost consciousness several times.

Tribunal: Who interrogated you?

Prosecution Witness: My eyes were blindfolded then. They let me know that I had been subjected to enforced disappearance. If I did not stop the movement, I would never be able to get out. About 24 hours later, towards the end of the night, I was left blindfolded next to a bridge in the Purbachal area. From there, I went to my house in Banasree. My family admitted me to the Gono Shastha Hospital there. After arriving at the hospital, I held a press briefing and revealed the whole incident. I learned that our other coordinators had also been subjected to enforced disappearance while I was in the hospital. 

I also learned that our three coordinators, Hasnat Sarjis and Hasib, were forcibly taken away by the DGFI and made to sit with three ministers. That picture was circulated in the media. The next day, on July 22nd, DGFI officer Lieutenant Colonel Sarwar forcibly entered the hospital and pressured me to withdraw the movement. He also threatened me by saying that if I wanted the other abducted coordinators to be returned alive, I had to stop the movement. 

The next day, on July 23rd, the DGFI arranged a press conference at the Dhaka Reporters Unity and took me there from the hospital. Although there was pressure from them to announce the end of the movement, I announced that I would continue the movement. At the conference, I condemned the arrest of the protesting students, public and opposition political leaders. The DGFI continued to pressure me, telling me to say that the BNP-Jamaat had infiltrated the movement and was carrying out sabotage, but I did not say that. They brought me back to the hospital. As I did not hold the press conference according to their wishes, they threatened me with enforced disappearance again.

On July 24th, coordinators Baker and Asif were released from enforced disappearance. They were then admitted to this hospital. Since then, the hospital was under surveillance. The hospital’s telephone and internet were cut off, newspapers were stopped, and mobile phones were confiscated. No one was allowed to contact us. Doctors and nurses were intimidated so that they would not provide us with any information.

Then on the 26th, some policemen, identifying themselves as DB, came to the hospital and took me, Asif, and Baker to the DB office in a microbus. There, DB Harun told us to withdraw the movement. Otherwise, various cases would be filed against us, but we did not agree. The next day, coordinators Hasnat and Sarjis were brought to the DB office, and later, coordinator Nusrat was also brought to the DB office. There, we were interrogated and physically tortured. We were not supplied with medicine, it was obstructed. Our guardians were also brought in and threatened.

Tribunal: What kind of threat?

Prosecution witness: If the movement was not stopped, various cases would be filed against us and threats of tortures, harassment were made. It was said that if the movement was not withdrawn, more female coordinators would be brought in and tortured.

At one point, they forced me to read out a written statement of theirs for the withdrawal of the movement, and made a video on a mobile phone and circulated it. They informed us that we were picked up, detained, and pressured to withdraw the movement on the orders of the Prime Minister and the Home Minister. At one point, DB Harun proposed taking us to the Prime Minister’s office. We rejected this proposal and started a hunger strike until death. We were on hunger strike for more than 30 hours. While at the DB office, I learned that a writ had been filed in the High Court Division for our release and that the movement was ongoing.

On August 1st, we were released from the DB office while we were ill. On August 1st, through a press release, we, the six coordinators, informed that we were forced to announce the withdrawal of the movement at the DB office and that we announced to continue the movement. 

Coming out, we saw that other coordinators, Mahin Sarkar, Rifat, Kader, and Masud, were leading the movement.  After discussing with other coordinators and anti-fascist student leaders, such as Chhatra Dal, Chhatra Shibir, and some left-leaning organizations, we announced a one-point demand for the fall of the government on the 3rd at the Shaheed Minar. In the one-point demand, we called for the abolition of the fascist governance system and the establishment of a new political settlement. We announced the program of a nationwide non-cooperation movement for the one-point demand for the fall of the government.

On the 4th, we held a sit-in and protest program at Shahbagh. Then on the same day, we announced the “March to Dhaka” program to be held on 6th August. The government declared a curfew and carried out a massive massacre across the country. We brought forward the “March to Dhaka” of the 6th to the 5th because we learned that the government would cut off mobile phone and internet connections to foil the “March to Dhaka” of the 6th August. We could be killed or subjected to enforced disappearance.

Prosecution (Mizanur Rahman): What happened on the 5th?

Prosecution witness: On behalf of the coordinators, Mahfuz Alam was liaising with other student organizations and civil society to make the “March to Dhaka” program a success. As a preparatory measure, on the 4th, we held discussions with Dr. Yunus for the formation of a new government and proposed that he become the head of the government. On August 5th, people from all over the country started coming to Dhaka. We tried to hold a sit-in at Shahbagh. Firing was going on in the Shahheed Minar and Chankharpul areas. 

Prosecution: Where else was firing going on?

Witness: At one point, when the army withdrew from Shahbagh, we held a sit-in there at Shahbagh. Within a short time, Shahbagh turned into a sea of people. We heard that people were entering Dhaka in lakhs through the entry points of Dhaka such as Jatrabari, Uttara, Gazipur, Savar, and Ashulia, and other areas. We started a procession from Shahbagh towards Gono Bhaban. On the way, we heard that Hasina was forced to flee by helicopter due to the mass uprising. We also heard that the students and the public had entered Gono Bhaban. In the evening, we held a press conference and demanded the release of all political prisoners and the formation of an interim national government. We also announced that we would not accept any kind of military rule or military-backed rule. On the 5th, we received news of a massive massacre and torture by the government in Dhaka and across the country. That day, many of our protesting students and masses were martyred.

Then the prosecution asked for a description of the torture.

Witness: Throughout the movement, police and law enforcement agency members indiscriminately opened fire on the protesters. Protesters were even fired upon from helicopters. Awami League and its affiliated organizations’ armed terrorists opened fire on and tortured the protesters. The protesters were subjected to block raids, arrest, and abduction. They were tortured in custody. Numerous false cases were filed. The injured were obstructed from receiving medical treatment. The burial of the martyrs was obstructed. Their families were threatened not to release information. The bodies were made to disappear and were burned.

Prosecution (Gazi Tamim): Who did it?

Prosecution witness: For all these incidents, Sheikh Hasina, the Home Minister, and the heads of the police and law enforcement agencies who were in charge, and those who participated in the massacre and torture, are responsible.

Prosecution (Gazi Tamim): Why are you making this claim?

Prosecution Witness: Since Hasina was the head of the government, and the Home Minister was the head of the law enforcement agencies, these massacres and tortures happened on their orders. They carried out these massacres to consolidate and make their power absolute.

Prosecution (Gazi Tamim): You learned that they gave the orders; how did you know that?

Prosecution witness: We learned from various media that Hasina had ordered the use of helicopters and lethal weapons. As the head of the government, Hasina and the concerned heads did not take any steps to stop this massacre and brutality. Akhtar Hossain was arrested from the absentee funeral prayer on July 17th.

Prosecution: What do you want from the honorable court?

Prosecution Witness: From the honorable court, I want justice. I want those who have committed this massacre and brutality, crimes against humanity, be tried and receive severe punishment. I pray that the victims get justice.

Cross-examination

Defense: During the quota movement of 2018, you said that at one stage of the movement, Sheikh Hasina was compelled to abolish the quota system. Here, the word “compelled” is untrue. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true. 

Defense: In honor of the protestors of the 2018 movement, the quota system was abolished.

Prosecution witness: This is not true. 

Defense:  Despite the announcement that the quota system was abolished, Chhatra League attacked you. This part is false. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true that this part is false.

Defense: A gazette was published abolishing the quota system, and this was a reflection of Sheikh Hasina’s goodwill. 

Prosecution witness: This is not correct. 

Defense: It is untrue that at a press conference, Sheikh Hasina said that Hasina abolished the quota system in a fit of rage. 

[Prosecution Mizanur Rahman said “Don’t take this, there is video footage of it“.]

Defense: It is false that you were not allowed to win the ’19 DUCSU election due to irregularities. 

Prosecution Witness: This is not true. 

Defense: After you came to power, did you improve the guest room and gono room cultures?

Prosecution Witness: After August 5th, there is no such thing as a guest room, gono Room. 

Defense: On June 5th, the quota system was reinstated by a court order. Sheikh Hasina had no intervention in bringing back this quota system of the High Court. 

Prosecution witness: It is not true that Sheikh Hasina was not involved in the reinstatement of the quota system by the High Court. I have also clarified in my statement why I said this. The Judiciary was politicized. 

Defense: The government has three branches. Sheikh Hasina had no power to interfere with the judiciary. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true. 

Defense: You have committed contempt of court by protesting against that verdict. The former prime minister was a generous person, that’s why she did not file any case against you for contempt of court. 

Prosecution: It is not true that the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was a generous person, so she did not file any case against us for contempt of court. 

Defense: The matter related to the quota was completely a sub judice matter, but you protested without respecting the sub judice matter. 

Prosecution Witness: It is not true that the matter related to the quota was completely a sub judice matter, and that we protested illegally without respecting the sub judice matter. 

Defense: From whom did you know that the judiciary has been politicized? 

Tribunal: Instead of that the question should be how did you understand that the judiciary was politicised? 

Defense: He has the word “know” in the examination-in-chief. 

Prosecution witness: I understood by seeing the activities of the government and the judiciary. 

Defense: Knowing and understanding are two different things.

Defense: The word “Bangla blockade” is a clever word. 

Tribunal: What did you find clever here? 

Defense: This word is not prevalent in our country, the word “hartal” is prevalent in our country. This word has been used to surprise the public and bring them to the movement. 

Prosecution witness: This is an expression of our creativity. 

Defense: The government created obstacles in the movement across the country, this statement is false. 

Prosecution witness: It is not true that the government did not create obstacles in the movement across the country. 

Defense: Are any of you protesters children or grandchildren of Razakars? 

Prosecution witness: This matter is not relevant to the movement. 

Defense: Hasina did not call the protesters children or grandchildren of Razakars. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true. 

Defense: You intensified the movement without properly understanding the meaning of her words. 

Prosecution: It is not true that we intensified the movement without properly understanding the meaning of her words. Hasina’s statement was clear. With this Razakar tag on the protesters, it incited attacks and massacres on them. 

Defense: Your last statement is false that through her statement, the attack on the protesters was justified, and you have spoken falsely in this regard. If any movement was made against the government, its legitimacy would be destroyed by tagging them as Razakars. This is false. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true that this is false. 

Defense: The students felt humiliated due to a misunderstanding. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true.

Defense: The demand for an apology for Sheikh Hasina’s statement to the students was baseless. 

Prosecution witness: This demand was not baseless. 

Defense: The statement of Obaidul Quader, that Chhatra League is enough to suppress this movement, was his personal opinion. Sheikh Hasina had no involvement in this. 

Prosecution witness: Is the statement of a general secretary ever personal? He was the general secretary of the Awami League and the then bridge and road transport minister. He made the statement as the general secretary on behalf of his party and Sheikh Hasina. 

Defense: Inspired by Obaidul Quader’s statement, Chhatra League did not torture female students and other protesters. 

Prosecution: It is not true that inspired by Wabaidul Quader’s statement, Chhatra League did not torture female students and other protesters. 

Defense: It is untrue that Chhatra League obstructed the treatment of the students injured in the movement.

Prosecution: It is not true that Chhatra League did not obstruct the treatment of the students injured in the movement. 

Defense: Abu Sayed was not killed by police firing. 

Prosecution witness: It is untrue that Abu Sayed was not killed by police firing. 

Defense: Closing of the university by the University Grants Commission and surrounding the university with law enforcement agencies, all these actions were for the sake of protecting peace and order and life and property. 

Prosecution witness: This is untrue. Rather, it was for the purpose of suppressing the movement. 

Defense: The DGFI did not put pressure to stop the movement. A proposal was made for a discussion with the government to resolve this issue.

Prosecution witness: This is not true. 

Defense: On July 17, a complete shutdown was announced. This was an illegal act on your part. 

Prosecution witness: This was our political and constitutional right. 

Defense: You called on the people of all walks of life to join the movement on July 18. You called to overthrow the then government, the then head of government, illegally, by destabilizing them. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true. Rather, it was for justice. 

Defense: On July 19, police and Awami League terrorists indiscriminately fired on the protesters. This is false.

Prosecution witness: It is untrue that on July 19, police and Awami League terrorists did not indiscriminately fire on the protesters. 

Defense: What was the name of the friend’s house where you were staying in Nandipara? 

Prosecution witness: In Nandipara, the friend’s house where I was staying, that friend’s name was Sohan. 

Defense: Did the investigating officers interrogate Sohan?

Prosecution witness: I do not know if the investigating officers interrogated Sohan. 

Defense: It is untrue that after picking you up in a private car, the DB police started beating you. 

Prosecution witness: It is not true that after picking me up in a private car, the DB police started beating me. 

Defense: It is not true that you were handcuffed and blindfolded while in DB custody. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true that I was not handcuffed and blindfolded while in DB custody. 

Defense: You were picked up in a private car. This is untrue. 

Prosecution witness: This is not true that I was not  picked up in a private car

Defense: It is false that you were abducted and that if you did not stop the movement, the other protesters would not be released and that you were threatened. All these are false. 

Prosecution witness: These are not false.

Defense: How did you come to Banasree from Purbachal? 

Prosecution witness: By CNG.

Defense: Can you tell me the name of the CNG driver or the CNG number? 

Tribunal: Can you tell me the name of any CNG driver (towards the defense counsel)? His condition was very vulnerable at that time. 

Tribunal: This is an unrealistic, irrelevant question. 

Defense: In your deposition you said that you  also learned that Hasnat Sazis Hasib were forcibly taken away. This statement is false. 

Prosecution witness: This is not false. 

Defense: Lieutenant Colonel Sarwar threatened you after entering the hospital. This part is false. 

Prosecution witness: It is not true that Lieutenant Colonel Sarwar did not threaten me after entering the hospital.

Continued on 21 Sept

It is not true that I falsely said that the DGFI organized a press conference on July 23 and forcibly took me to the hospital.

It is not true that I falsely said that the DGFI told me to say that [someone] was instigating this movement and committing acts of sabotage.

It is not true that I falsely said that the DGFI threatened to make me disappear again if I did not speak at the press conference as instructed by them.

We were 8–10 coordinators at the press conference organized by the DGFI on July 23. I do not know whether the Investigating Officer questioned anyone among these 8–10 coordinators. I cannot recall the names of the journalists present there at this moment.

It is not true that no such press conference was held.

It is not true that I falsely said that there was no internet in the hospital and that I was intimidated.

It is not true that I falsely said that on the afternoon of July 26, some people identifying themselves as DB came to the hospital and took Asif, Baker, and me to the hall in a microbus.

It is not true that I falsely said that physical torture was carried out at the DB office.

It is not true that I falsely said that “pressure was put to stop the movement… we were detained and tortured.”

It is not true that I read the said written statement voluntarily.

It is not true that DB Chief Harun offered to take us to the Prime Minister’s Office with an honest intention.

It is not true that we rejected the said proposal with a dishonest intention. The injustices done against us, as mentioned above, will be considered an injustice against the entire population.

I do not believe that these injustices were done against me personally alone.

It is not true that the 1-point program for the fall of the government on August 3 was the result of our long-term planning.

It is not true that domestic and foreign powers were behind our movement.

It is not true that because there was instigation from domestic and foreign powers, we proposed to Dr. Yunus Sir to become the head of the interim government.

[Mizanur Rahman” There is no scope to challenge August 5. It has legal validity.

Amir: You have been communicating with domestic and foreign malicious circles for a long time.

Mizanur: The change of government cannot be challenged.
Tribunal: We consider it relevant; the issue of changing the government is related to this.
Mizanur Rahman: The issue of changing the parliament is not being discussed here. If it were, it would be a matter of sedition. Here, the trial of crimes against humanity is being held.]

It is not true that Sheikh Hasina did not resign on August 5.

It is not true that Sheikh Hasina did not go to India out of compulsion.

It is not true that I falsely said that throughout the entire movement, [the houses] were burnt down. The families of the martyrs and the injured were threatened.

I learned about the killings and atrocities across the country on August 5 from coordinators Hamnat, Sarjis, and others. I do not know whether the Investigating Officer questioned Hamnat, Sarjis, and the other coordinators.

It is not true that Hasina did not instruct the use of helicopters and lethal weapons.

It is not true that I falsely said that Sheikh Hasina and the concerned chiefs did not take steps to stop the killings and atrocities during the July movement.

It is not true that I falsely said that Sheikh Hasina and the concerned chiefs did not take steps to stop the killings and atrocities during the July movement.

It is not true that no crime against humanity was committed in July–August 2024.

It is not true that these accused are not responsible for the mentioned crimes.

It is not true that I gave false testimony.